| Abstract (about 50 words): | This paper aims to address the problematic aspect of the Hungarian nominal system, whereby nouns combining with numerals obligatorily lack plural marking. It will be argued that this pattern cannot be the result of Hungarian being a classifier language, nor can it be accounted for by the fact that Hungarian nouns are under-specified for number. Conversely, we will provide support for the analysis proposed in Scontras (2014) and further developed in Martí (2017), according to which the selection of the singular and plural values is subject to parametric variation among languages, in the sense that while in some languages counting is sensitive to atoms, in others it is sensitive to minimal parts, giving rise to different number marking patterns in numeral + noun constructions. |